What can the governments do to destroy Bitcoin/digital currencies?

One just read this speech by IMF head Ms Lagarde who surprisingly supported digital currencies. Surprising because IMF was started as this global central bank which could provide emergency funds to countries in need.

I would like to consider the possible impact of three innovations—virtual currencies,new models of financial intermediation, and artificial intelligence.

Let us start with virtual currencies. To be clear, this is not about digital payments in existing currencies—through Paypal and other “e-money” providers such as Alipay in China, or M-Pesa in Kenya.

Virtual currencies are in a different category, because they provide their own unit of account and payment systems. These systems allow for peer-to-peer transactions without central clearinghouses, without central banks.

For now, virtual currencies such as Bitcoin pose little or no challenge to the existing order of fiat currencies and central banks. Why? Because they are too volatile, too risky, too energy intensive, and because the underlying technologies are not yet scalable. Many are too opaque for regulators; and some have been hacked.

But many of these are technological challenges that could be addressed over time. Not so long ago, some experts argued that personal computers would never be adopted, and that tablets would only be used as expensive coffee trays. So I think it may not be wise to dismiss virtual currencies.

For instance, think of countries with weak institutions and unstable national currencies. Instead of adopting the currency of another country—such as the U.S. dollar—some of these economies might see a growing use of virtual currencies. Call it dollarization 2.0.

IMF experience shows that there is a tipping point beyond which coordination around a new currency is exponential. In the Seychelles, for example, dollarization jumped from 20 percent in 2006 to 60 percent in 2008. And yet, why might citizens hold virtual currencies rather than physical dollars, euros, or sterling? Because it may one day be easier and safer than obtaining paper bills, especially in remote regions. And because virtual currencies could actually become more stable.

For instance, they could be issued one-for-one for dollars, or a stable basket of currencies. Issuance could be fully transparent, governed by a credible, pre-defined rule, an algorithm that can be monitored…or even a “smart rule” that might reflect changing macroeconomic circumstances. So in many ways, virtual currencies might just give existing currencies and monetary policy a run for their money. The best response by central bankers is to continue running effective monetary policy, while being open to fresh ideas and new demands, as economies evolve.

This article shows how bitcoin is being used in Venzuela as government has failed in providing a stable currency.

In order to pay for lunch, locals are beginning to accept only Bitcoin or money wires of foreign currencies. The problem, according to Osorio, is that unlike Zimbabwe and other nations where hyperinflation has taken its toll, Venezuela does not have access to enough dollars to manage the economy.

Locals have, therefore, turned completely to Bitcoin in order to function economically. Since Bitcoin is independent of the black market for Bolivars, it represents a fixed exchange platform for business. Near the end of the segment, Osorio says:

“We may well be witnessing the first ‘Bitcoinization’ of a sovereign state.”

Cryptocurrency lovers would argue that this is just the first of many, as liquidity and access increase exponentially.

Given this threat, what can the governments do? Will Luther  posts on powers of govetnments:

For starters, one must recognize that monetary demand — that is, the demand to use an item as a medium of exchange — is not quite like the demand for most other goods. Monies are subject to network effects. I can enjoy a fine bathtub gin even if no one else does. But the usefulness of a would-be money like bitcoin depends crucially on whether other people are using it. We must coordinate beliefs. If one does not believe others will use bitcoin, she will be less inclined to accept it herself. For cryptocurrencies that lack some non-monetary use, that means demand might fall to zero even if everyone would prefer it to the relevant alternative.

In general, governments might determine the medium of exchange by coordinating beliefs, employing transactions policy, and punishing users of alternatives. By declaring an item legal tender, for example, the government might create an especially salient focal point around which individuals can coordinate on a particular money. Legal tender status might be nothing more than a designation; it need not convey any special privileges under the law (though sometimes it does). Since I want to use the money you are using and you want to use the money I am using, simply stating that the dollar is legal tender and bitcoin is not legal tender might be enough to generate coordination on the dollar. As a large and powerful player in the economy, governments are often in a position to provide such a focal point.

Of course, if the net gains from switching to bitcoin are greater than the costs of coordination, we might establish some competing focal point to coordinate on the superior alternative. In this case, governments might resort to transactions policy — that is, committing to accept and spend its preferred money — in order to prevent bitcoin from gaining widespread acceptance. By collecting taxes and spending dollars (and not bitcoin), the government guarantees some demand for dollars and, correspondingly, limits the potential network size of bitcoin. Some governments will not be able to determine the medium of exchange with transactions policy. But a sufficiently large government can.

Even if a government is not large enough to determine the medium of exchange via transactions policy, it still has one last trick up its sleeve: punishments. By punishing those employing an alternative money, it lowers the expected benefits of the alternative and, hence, the relative demand for its preferred money. Whereas a sufficiently big government is required to determine the medium of exchange with transactions policy, a government of any size can determine the medium of exchange with punishments, so long as it is willing and able to mete out sufficiently severe punishments.


Fortunately, very few countries have taken steps to ban cryptocurrencies to date. But the threat is legitimate. Governments might not be able to prevent all cryptocurrency transactions, but they can significantly discourage their use. With this in mind, we should continue to push for choice in currency. We should continue to explain the benefits of financial privacy and stateless monies. However, we should also support sensible regulation that would preserve most of the benefits from cryptocurrencies while eliminating the major justifications for outright bans. It is a second-best solution. In a world with powerful governments, it might be the best one can hope for.

All these readings are hardly new though. The governments and people faced similar issues when paper currency etc started becoming popular as money. Earlier, these were mainly offered by private players and then eventually governments using a mix of threats and incentives monpolised the business.



One Response to “What can the governments do to destroy Bitcoin/digital currencies?”

  1. bitcoin Says:

    bitcoin faucet

    blog topic

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